Cristina and Alberto, a game of invisible tensions

In his last appearance in La Plata, during the presentation of "Sincerely",
Cristina Kirchner barely mentioned
Alberto Fernandez, the man who unexpectedly was located in the center of the Argentine political scene and the main pavement builder who could put it back in power. However, the stars of the act in the city where he was born were others. The cameras focused on a smiling
Axel Kicillof, sitting in the front row – and Cristina's true interlocutor – and
Florence Saintout, within the framework of an auditorium covered by La Cámpora.

Cristina only touched Fernandez when she said: "I told Alberto that, in the next stage, we have to build new majorities." Majorities that, in the Christianist language, could well translate into new hegemonies. While this was happening in Argentina, Alberto avoided in Madrid a photo with Pablo Iglesias, the leader of Podemos, the Spanish left, which is the equivalent of hard Kichnerism. Instead, he met with the president of Banco Santander, Ana Botín, and days ago, in Buenos Aires, he had had the luxury of flirting with Carlos Melconián, with whom he met twice after PASO.
But La Plata's postcard hid other tensions in the air, although invisible to distracted eyes. Saintout, Cristina's chosen one, not only took 10 points ahead of the macrista Julio Garro in the primary but also defeated his internal adversary, Victoria Tolosa Paz, the wife of Enrique "Pepe" Albistur, one of Fernández's best friends and owner of the department of Puerto Madero where the candidate lives. Saintout and Tolosa Paz – that is Cristina and Alberto – have lavished a string of invisible knives during the campaign, although this week they appeared together in a photo that both published in the networks, as if to hide those underground shocks. How many toads must be swallowed in order to win.

The third tension hidden in that scene, and which nobody talks about, is emotional and political. Max Kirchner is suspicious of Axel, something like his mother's favorite political son. Recipient of all his compliments – and also the charges – Máximo wonders, in privacy, why the candidate for Buenos Aires governor is Kicillof and not him. Or why the former minister seems to have been vindicated – at least by a part of society – and he remains demonized.

Juan Grabois, close to Cristina, dynamited this week any idea of ​​moderation with his proposal of agrarian reform -with expropriation of fields, including-, which was supported, even, by Emilio Pérsico. He stated that, according to Grabois, it is part of the agenda of social movements, it fell like a bomb in the albertista universe and its adjacencies. An upset that tonight, in

The Plot of Power (LN +),

The economist Agustín D'attellis, close to Fernández, will bleach, who will criticize the leader of the CTEP for generating "uncertainty" and "damage" with his words and will advance the thick line of an eventual light labor reform project. Also Emmanuel Álvarez Agis, before very close to Kicillof and today within the albertismo, is an economist who claims to have transformed his toughest views and confesses, in intimacy, that he is willing to give an ideological battle with the most fanatical core of La Field. In reinforcement, D'attellis will admit that it was a "mistake" to have abandoned the path of fine tuning (that is, the adjustment) that Cristina had initially proposed, in her second period.
At the end of July, economist Guillermo Calvo caused a media fuss arguing that the best thing that could happen to Argentina was to win the Frente de Todos because, in that way, Peronism could carry out the adjustment with "popular support" blaming the Macri government. Macrismo crucified him but, in the light of the outcome of the STEP, those statements do not sound so far-fetched today.

In the strictest silence, albertistas and Cristinistas already taste a possible future government, despite not having won yet. Despite this, the distribution of charges is underway. In this distribution, Alberto will naturally put the first lines – the ministries – and Cristina, the second. But it happens that, in the culture of the K universe, the second lines have historically had more power than the first. If we think of the Ministry of Justice during Cristina's last government, who really led him, Julio Alak, his owner or his second, the camper Julián Álvarez? Cristina wants the management of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. An outside game that would privilege your favorite allies: Russia, China, Bolivarian Latin America. Alberto, although balancing with Venezuela, has a much more open perspective. Who will mark, then and in practice, the course of foreign policy?

The first to send an encrypted message to his partner was Alberto himself, when after having swept the primaries, he said: "I will govern with the governors of the PJ." It is not obvious? Yes and no. And it would not have been necessary to clarify it, except for the need to display firepower within its own coalition.
In the internal one that is preconfigured, if the Front of All finally manages to prevail in the next elections, the real power factors of Argentina will inevitably be forced to opt for Alberto. At least, in an initial stage. The plot of Argentina promises surprises. And, above all, intensity.

ALSO